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Mojtaba Khamenei, the second son of former Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, has been elevated to the position his father held for nearly four decades until his death in US-Israeli air strikes. The 88-member Assembly of Experts did what many Iranians had hoped it would never do: turn the Islamic Republic into a dynasty.

The appointment of the very figure US President Donald Trump had branded “unacceptable” appeared to be a deliberate act of defiance – a signal that Iran’s leadership has no intention of folding to American pressure. Instead, the regime appears to be doubling down on the slain supreme leader’s hardline course, betting it can weather future attacks by consolidating power around the Revolutionary Guards with the younger Khamenei at the helm.


Before the news had fully spread in a country under near-total internet and communications blackout, the image-making had already begun.

Within hours of Mojtaba’s appointment as Iran’s third Supreme Leader, state media released a four-minute documentary recounting his life: modest origins, seminary studies and, crucially, his time on the front lines of the Iran-Iraq war as a 17-year-old, “bravely fighting” alongside the revolution’s defenders.

The clip’s message was clear. Mojtaba is the rightful heir to the “martyred leader,” with the political and religious credentials to rule. It also sought to preempt a central criticism: that he lacks the scholarly depth traditionally expected of a “vali-faqih,” or supreme jurisprudent. For the regime’s core supporters, the film aimed to reassure them that there was no reason to panic, portraying a leader fluent in global affairs and security matters now at the helm.

Then came the cascade of pledges of allegiance down the institutional chain: the president, parliament and the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC). Choreographed and public, they were meant to show that the system, or “nezam,” is standing and working as it should.

Who is he?
Born in 1969, Mojtaba Khamenei received religious training like his other brothers though he never rose to the rank of Mujtahid, the level of Islamic jurisprudence many regime loyalists consider essential for the role of supreme leader. He is married to Zahra, the daughter of former speaker of parliament and Khamenei confidant Gholam Haddad Adel.

For years, Mojtaba kept a low profile, although from the shadows he was a central figure in the vast officialdom of his father’s system. He cultivated close ties to the IRGC and the economic networks that prop up the system.

So little footage of him exists in the public domain that state media has resorted to filling the gaps with AI-generated video of the new leader since his appointment.

For Iran observers, his influence behind the scenes was unmistakable, even without holding a senior formal position. In recent years, as he worked in his father’s office, he was increasingly positioned as a potential successor and, in 2021, pictures on social media showed supporters distributing posters on the streets of Tehran that openly promoted him as the next leader.

Many believe he played a pivotal role in pushing for the election of the hardline Mahmoud Ahmadinejad in the 2005 presidential elections. He was known to have mobilized the IRGC’s networks to boost the candidacy of the then-mayor of Tehran, Ahmadinejad, who was up against the better known, Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, a Khamenei rival.

By 2009, when millions of Iranians took to the streets to protest the re-election of Ahmadinejad in what they saw as a rigged election, it was clear that Mojtaba was not merely the son of the leader but a political operator in his own right. The uprising was brutally crushed, marking the beginning of the end of any true domestic reformist movement. Events of that year showed his ascendancy, with protesters on the streets chanting “Mojtaba bemiri Rahbari ro Nabini,” or “Mojtaba may you die so you don’t assume the leadership role.”

He was sanctioned by the US in 2019 after the US Treasury accused him of working closely with the commander of the powerful Revolutionary Guards to advance what it described as his father’s “destabilizing regional ambitions and oppressive domestic objectives.”

The US-Israel attack that killed his father also took multiple relatives. Ayatollah Ali Khamenei’s daughter, grandchild, daughter-in-law and son-in-law were all killed in the attack, according to state media. Days later, the late supreme leader’s wife – Mojtaba’s mother – also died of her wounds, according to state media.

What does his rise mean for Iran and for the war with the US?
Hopes for a more democratic future for Iran may now lie in tatters, as Mojtaba’s elevation sends an unmistakable message about where Iran’s hardline rulers wish to take the regime. It suggests that the Revolutionary Guards and their allied factions have emerged from the first phase of this current war more determined to double down on continuing Ali Khamenei’s legacy and policies.

Mojtaba has no administrative record and has never led a major organization or entity. He has made few public pronouncements on the myriad of social, economic, cultural and political challenges already facing the country, even before the devastation of all-out war. And his worldview is shaped in his father’s shadow.

In selecting him, Iran’s rulers would be signaling the “continuation of the regime,” Maha Yahya, director of the Beirut-based Carnegie Middle East Center, told CNN before Mojtaba was confirmed. The appointment could also be seen as a message from the regime, she said, that US-Israel military pressure is “not going to get us to shift position.”

His appointment sends a message of continuity at home and defiance abroad, Ali Alfoneh, a senior fellow at the Arab Gulf States Institute, told CNN, warning that the new leader may struggle to overcome longstanding legitimacy issues at home.

“Is this going to solve the electricity shortage of the people or the water shortage? Unemployment and all the other problems that the regime is facing? No,” Alfoneh said.

Gary Grappo, former US Ambassador to Oman, said Mojtaba’s experience is derived from running his father’s office.

“He’s powerful because he ran his father’s office. … You could consider it to be akin to the chief of staff with his hands on intelligence, economic policy, security policy and, of course, all the political affairs as well as religious affairs,” he said.

Mojtaba succeeded his father on a night of deep symbolic resonance for Shiite Muslims. The clerics chose the first of Laylat al-Qadr, one of Ramadan’s holiest nights, to announce his appointment. It is also a time that commemorates the assassination of Imam Ali ibn Abi Talib, whom Shiite Muslims believe was the divinely appointed successor to Prophet Mohammed.

“God’s grace became manifest,” regime supporters chanted in Tehran metro the morning after Mojtaba’s appointment. “Khamenei became young again.”

“Yes, the gantry prices have been adjusted. PMS is now N1,175 per litre while Automotive Gas Oil is N1,620 per litre,” the official said.

“The market has been extremely volatile, and replacement costs have shifted significantly in recent days. These adjustments reflect prevailing market fundamentals and the cost environment we are currently operating in.”

Checks by our correspondent on the industry pricing platform, petroleumprice.ng showed that the revised rates had already been updated across petroleum depot pricing systems, indicating a shift in the benchmark price used by downstream marketers.

The new price is the third surge in petrol prices within a week, following adjustments that pushed gantry prices from N774 to N995 per litre. As a result, retail pump prices in several states now exceed N1,000 per litre, as some stations now dispense petrol at about N1,200/litre, intensifying economic pressures on Nigerians.

The latest hike is expected to trigger another round of increases at filling stations nationwide, as higher fuel costs typically translate into higher transportation, logistics, and production costs for businesses.

It also betrays efforts by the Federal Government, through the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited, to secure crude oil supply for the Dangote Petroleum Refinery through third-party international traders, in a bid to sustain domestic refining operations.

Officials, however, warned that the intervention may not immediately translate into lower petrol prices for consumers. Nigerians currently grapple with high fuel prices, following the recent hikes in the cost of the commodities by the $20bn Lekki-based refinery.

The decision reportedly followed a directive from the President requesting Egbetokun’s resignation. Sources indicate that the instruction was given during a meeting at the Presidential Villa in Abuja on Monday.

Egbetokun was appointed as the 22nd Inspector-General of Police on 19 June 2023, with his position subsequently ratified by the Nigeria Police Council on 31 October 2023.

At the time of his appointment, he was 58 and due for statutory retirement on 4 September 2024 upon attaining the mandatory age of 60. However, his tenure was later extended by President Tinubu, a move that attracted considerable public debate.

The appointment of Tunji Disu signals a transition in leadership within the Nigeria Police Force, as the administration seeks to reposition the institution amid ongoing security challenges across the country.

The bill, titled, ‘The Nigeria Religious Freedom and Accountability Act of 2026,’ was introduced in the US House of Representatives by Rep Chris Smith alongside Reps Riley Moore, Brian Mast and Bill Huizenga.

The bill recommends visa bans and asset freezes under the Global Magnitsky Human Rights Accountability Act against individuals and entities accused of involvement in religious freedom abuses.

The APC criticised the proposed sanctions, insisting that the allegations alone could not justify curtailing Kwankwaso’s freedom of movement without a fair hearing and due process.

Speaking with The PUNCH on Wednesday, the APC Director of Publicity, Bala Ibrahim, described the United States as a symbol of democracy and cautioned its government against taking action solely based on allegations.

He stated, “I think they (the United States of America) cannot just act on allegations. America is the beacon of democracy. America is the beacon of freedom, and it ought to be seen to be behaving in that manner.

“Now, whatever the allegation against former Kano State Governor,  Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, and others is, it remains an allegation until it is proven.

“They cannot, on the strength of an allegation alone, go ahead to suggest a ban or restriction on the freedom of movement of an individual without substantiating it, without subjecting him to a fair hearing and trial.

“So I think that is a wrong move. It infringes on his right to a fair hearing, and I don’t support that.”

The NNPP, on the other hand, described the planned censure of its national leader as blackmail.

At a press conference in Abuja on Wednesday, the opposition party expressed shock over the inclusion of Kwankwaso in the proposed sanctions list, while dismissing any suggestions that he was responsible for religious freedoms violations.

The National Publicity Secretary of the party, Ladipo Johnson, stated, “We see this development as a contrived action against an innocent man who clearly has no relationship with religious fundamentalism in Nigeria.

“His record is there in the public domain, either in public office or in private life and it is advisable for people to investigate such things properly, before reaching such conclusions.”

Johnson noted that months before the latest development, Kwankwaso had reacted to the decision by US President Donald Trump to re-designate Nigeria as a Country of Particular Concern over alleged persecution of Christians.

He said, “The months before the latest development, Kwankwaso had openly reacted when President Donald Trump re-designated Nigeria as a Country of Particular Concern over alleged religious persecution.

“In a statement posted on his X handle at the time, Kwankwaso cautioned against what he described as oversimplified characterisations of Nigeria’s internal challenges.

“Kwankwaso stated that it was important to emphasise that our country is a sovereign nation whose people face different threats from outlaws across the country.”

However, in a post shared on X, US lawmaker Riley Moore had written to Kwankwaso saying, “Governor, do you care to comment on your own complicity in the death of Christians? You instituted Sharia law. You signed the law that makes so-called blasphemy punishable by death.”

Kano State, under Kwankwaso’s leadership, implemented the Islamic legal code, joining other northern states such as Zamfara, Sokoto, Katsina, Yobe, Jigawa and Borno.

Questioning the allegation, the NNPP asked, “But is this enough to accuse Kwankwaso of severe religious freedoms violations? Why were the other state governors who introduced Sharia in their states not accused as well? Is Rep Moore being fair or selective?

‘Isn’t the US in a good relationship with Qatar and Saudi Arabia (both Sharia countries)? Why is this coming just after our government apparently paid for a consultant in the US? Isn’t it strange that it is Kwankwaso, an opposition leader who has spoken out so many times about the insecurity under this administration, that the United States now seems to be turning on?”

The party also defended Kwankwaso’s record as governor, stating, “We recall that as Governor of Kano State, Senator Kwankwaso ensured that the Boko Haram sect was wiped out of the state, and his close relationships with Christian leaders in Kano and across the country attest to his credibility as a national leader and statesman.

“Even when he was pressured to introduce Sharia, he still lost his election because the predominantly Muslim voters punished him for supporting a Christian presidential candidate in the person of Chief Olusegun Obasanjo. Furthermore, in 2023, he ran his presidential campaign with a Christian Bishop, Isaac Idahosa, as his running mate.

“These are the facts, which we think, should guide the Congress and its leaders, particularly Reps Riley Moore and Chris Smith, to do a thorough investigation on the credibility of our leader, Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, so that Justice is done to his noble name and cleared of such undue embarrassment,” Johnson added.

The US Congress, in the bill, issued one of its strongest condemnations yet of religious persecution in the country, declaring that Nigeria accounts for 82 per cent of all Christians martyred globally and warning that the scale, coordination and impunity surrounding the violence now threaten regional stability and US foreign policy interests.

 The bill calls for targeted sanctions on individuals and networks responsible for severe violations, and urges their designation as Foreign Terrorist Organisations.

The legislation specifically directs the Secretary of State to determine whether certain Fulani-ethnic militias qualify as Foreign Terrorist Organisations under section 219 of the U.S. Immigration and Nationality Act.

If such a designation is made, it would carry far-reaching consequences, including criminalising material support, expanding US law enforcement reach, and intensifying international pressure on any state or entity found to be aiding the groups.

Part of the bill read, “Appropriations Act, 2026, to enhance efforts, protect innocent lives; the United States should deliver humanitarian assistance, co-funded by the Government of Nigeria, through trusted faith-based and nongovernmental organisations in Nigeria’s middle belt states;

“The Department of State and the Department of the Treasury should impose targeted sanctions, including visa bans and asset freezes under the Global Magnitsky Human Rights Accountability Act, on individuals or entities responsible for severe religious freedom violations, including Fulani-ethnic nomad militias in Nigeria; Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, former Kano State Governor; Miyetti Allah Cattle Breeders Association of Nigeria (MACBAN); and (D) Miyetti Allah Kautal Hore.

“The Secretary of State should determine whether certain Fulani-ethnic militias in Nigeria qualify as a foreign terrorist organisation under section 219 of the Immigration and Nationality Act (8 U.S.C. 1189).”

The lawmakers, citing multiple sources, including the Open Doors 2024 World Watch List, stated that between 50,000 and 125,000 Christians were martyred between 2009 and 2025, with more than 19,000 Christians, churches, and Christian-owned facilities attacked or destroyed in that period.

“Systemic religious persecution has persisted in Nigeria since at least 2009,” the lawmakers wrote, listing Boko Haram, the Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP), and Fulani-ethnic militant groups as key perpetrators.

The attacks, they said, include mass murder, kidnappings, rape, village destruction, and the forced displacement of entire communities.

From Benue and Plateau states in the Middle Belt to parts of the North-East and North-West, violence has become cyclical and brutal, the proposed bill further noted.

Between May 2023 and May 2025, the US lawmakers said the Fulani-ethnic militias alone carried out major massacres in Umogidi, Mgban, Yelwata, and during the Christmas Eve attacks of 2023 and 2024, as well as the Holy Week and Easter assaults of 2024 and 2025.

According to the bill, those incidents killed more than 9,500 people, mostly Christians and displaced over half a million others.

“These militias have conducted targeted killings, hostage-taking, hijackings, armed assaults, and massacres of civilians. Their actions meet the statutory definition of terrorist activity,” the legislation states.

Beyond armed attacks, the US lawmakers criticised Nigeria’s continued enforcement of blasphemy laws carrying the death penalty in 12 northern states under Sharia criminal codes.

They said these laws have been used to target Christians, minority Muslims, and dissenters.

The bill references cases such as Rhoda Jatau and Deborah Yakubu, who suffered mob violence, imprisonment, or death over alleged blasphemy, while known perpetrators often face no punishment.

It also highlights the case of Sunday Jackson, a Christian farmer from Adamawa State who was sentenced to death in 2021 after killing an armed herder in what was widely viewed as self-defence.

Jackson spent nearly a decade in prison before being pardoned in December 2025 in what the bill describes as a “show of good faith” by the Nigerian government.

Despite such isolated steps, the lawmakers said it remains unclear whether any meaningful investigations have led to prosecutions or convictions of jihadists and militia leaders responsible for mass atrocities, clergy targeted and witnesses intimidated.

The legislation notes that more than 250 religious leaders, both Christian clergy and Muslim imams, who advocated tolerance have been attacked or killed in the past decade.

It cites the killing of Father Sylvester Okechukwu in 2025 and pointed out that Christian leaders who testified before Congress, including Father Remigius Iyhula and Bishop Wilfred Anagbe, faced intimidation and harassment as a direct result of speaking out.

“The message to victims and witnesses has been chilling. Tell your story, and you may pay the price,” the Congressmen wrote.

They added that the humanitarian fallout is staggering. An estimated 3.5 to 5 million Nigerians are internally displaced, while over 343,000 remain refugees in the Lake Chad region.

The Act calls on the United States to co-fund humanitarian assistance with the Nigerian government, delivered through trusted faith-based and non-governmental organisations in the Middle Belt states.

It prioritises food, shelter, trauma care, and the safe and voluntary return of displaced persons to their ancestral lands, especially persecuted Christian communities.

The US Commission on International Religious Freedom has recommended Nigeria’s designation as a Country of Particular Concern every year since 2009.

US President Donald Trump also designated Nigeria a CPC in 2020 and again in October 2025, citing the scale of religiously motivated violence.

Lawmakers argue that the prior administration’s removal of Nigeria from the CPC list in 2021 coincided with a marked escalation in attacks.

“Designating Nigeria as a CPC enhances diplomatic tools, including sanctions, to pressure the government to halt persecution and protect vulnerable communities,” the bill states.

In a striking addition, the Act urges the US government to work with Nigeria to counter “hostile foreign exploitation,” including allegations that Chinese illegal mining operations in parts of Nigeria pay protection money to Fulani militias, thereby fueling insecurity.

The Secretary of State was encouraged to support disarmament programmes, counter-terrorism cooperation, and regional efforts to eliminate Foreign Terrorist Organisations that pose a direct threat to both Nigeria and the wider international community.

If passed, the Act will require the US Secretary of State to submit a comprehensive report within 90 days of enactment and annually thereafter until Nigeria is no longer designated a CPC.

Each report must include an assessment of Nigeria’s compliance with the International Religious Freedom Act of 1998; identification of individuals and entities sanctioned or under consideration for sanctions; details of US – Nigeria co-investments in humanitarian assistance, including amounts, recipients, and measurable outcomes; an evaluation of US security assistance and whether it risks enabling persecution; an assessment of conditions for internally displaced persons and recommendations for further executive or congressional action.

The Act states that “The United States stands in solidarity with Christians and all persecuted religious minorities in Nigeria.”

Meanwhile, the Miyetti Allah Cattle Breeders rejected its inclusion in the US list of religious freedom violators in Nigeria.

The National President of Miyetti Allah, Baba Ngelzarma, described the allegations as unfounded, insisting the association is not a terrorist organisation.

“In the past, when this report first came out, we had a series of engagements with the American embassy, with contingents of the Congress, and the rest. So, we have reacted verbally, and we have reacted with documentation and everything. We are not a terrorist group,” Ngelzarma said.

He maintained that the Nigerian government is fully aware of the association’s activities and its legal status.

“The Nigerian government knows much about the Miyetti Allah Cattle Breeders Association. We have never been involved in any form of terrorism. We have never taken responsibility for any form of terrorism,” he said.

Ngelzarma explained that the association, registered 42 years ago, represents cattle breeders across religious and ethnic lines and does not shield criminal elements.

He expressed surprise that the group was still being linked to terrorism despite previous engagements with international bodies.

 “We represent the peaceful herders who are doing their peaceful and legitimate business. We don’t represent any criminal in the country. So, we are still surprised that this thing, despite all this thing, that this thing is still going on.’’

According to him, Miyetti Allah has held consultations with various international organisations, including humanitarian and interfaith groups, to clarify its position.

“We have had a series of engagements with international agencies such as the National Corps, the Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue, Interfaith Radiation Centre, and many other international agencies. We are never a terrorist group,” he added.

On the proposed visa bans and sanctions, Ngelzarma argued that the association does not deserve such punitive measures.

“Do we even deserve to be sanctioned? We don’t deserve to be sanctioned because we are not a criminal group. We don’t even deserve to be sanctioned. So, for what reason can you sanction us?” he queried.

He called on the Nigerian government to intervene diplomatically.

“We are citizens of Nigeria; we are under the Nigerian government. This association is under the Nigerian law, and this association has been issued a registration to operate legally. So, we deserve to be protected by our own government here at home. Whatever that should be with the Americans should be with the Nigerian government,” he said.

Ngelzarma urged the FG to engage the US government to address what he described as “misconceptions surrounding the security crisis in Nigeria.”

Similarly, the Miyetti Allah Cattle Breeders Association of Nigeria, Benue State chapter, described the visa ban proposed in the bill as a violation of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

The State Secretary of Benue MACBAN, Ibrahim Galma,  who condemned the proposed bill, said that MACBAN was a legitimate association comprising Muslim and Christian members.

According to him, members of the association were also victims of terrorism, having lost their loved ones and cattle to bandits terrorising the country.

 He said that the US is biased in its assessment of issues in Nigeria and asked Congress to send a delegation to Nigeria and visit some of the troubled communities before passing the bill into law.

Galma said, “We are not terrorists or bandits. Let me emphasise this: We are also victims of Boko Haram in Nigeria because we have lost members and cattle.

“Maybe, some people do not know that we have Christians as members of MACBAN in parts of Adamawa, Plateau and Bauchi. These people are non-Fulanis.

“We are not terrorists or bandits, it’s true that in every association, there are bad eggs, and this is not limited to MACBAN.’’

Galma advised the US Congress to respect the fundamental rights of every nation, individual and association as embedded in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, urging the Congress to dispatch a delegation to Nigeria.

 “The US should respect the fundamental human rights, or else it amounts to a breach of international standards such as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.’’

Fan trouble, players refusing to compete, controversial refereeing decisions, and a missed penalty were all flashpoints in a memorable match that was eventually won by Senegal.

On Thursday, as many expected, the Confederation of African Football (CAF) announced several punishments for both the Lions of Teranga and the beaten finalist Morocco, with individual players and managers also facing penalties.

The final will perhaps be remembered most for the decision by some of Senegal’s players to walk off the pitch in protest of a penalty being awarded to the Atlas Lions in the final moments of regulation time.

Senegal manager Pape Thiaw has subsequently received a five-game ban from CAF and has been fined $100,000 for his role in leading the protest and for what is described as “unsporting conduct.”

CAF also fined the Senegalese soccer federation (FSF) $300,000 for the “improper conduct of supporters,” after fans clashed with police in a frantic ending to the match. It also received another $300,000 fine for the conduct of its players and staff, in addition to a further $15,000 fine for five of its players receiving cautions from the referee.

Senegalese stars Cheikh Baroy Ndiaye and Ismaïla Sarr were also handed two-game bans for their behavior towards the match official.

The game bans, though, do not include the World Cup, which FIFA organizes. The suspensions only apply to official CAF games.

While Senegal bore the brunt of CAF’s punishment, Morocco has also been slapped with several penalties.

Captain Achraf Hakimi received a two-game ban from CAF, one of which is suspended for a year, for his “unsporting behavior” during the final. His national teammate Ismael Saibari was also banned for three official CAF matches and fined $100,000.

The Moroccan soccer federation was also fined a total of $315,000, including punishment for the behavior of its players and staff, and for fans using lasers to distract players during the final. The fine also includes a penalty for the poor behavior of ball boys, who were seen attempting to take away the Senegalese goalkeeper’s hand towel during the match.

CAF’s announcement caps off what was a difficult ending to an otherwise brilliant tournament, one that seemingly continues to divide African soccer.

But, as I prepared to celebrate Christmas in my native Norway for the first time in at least two decades, I found myself once again facing the food that plagued my childhood December 24s: lutefisk.

Pronounced loo-tah-fissk, the traditional Norwegian festive dish made from dried whitefish has a smell that suggests that the fish has been through something traumatic.

And that’s definitely how it starts — lutefisk translates as lye-fish because of the exposure to sodium hydroxide, commonly known as caustic soda or lye.

Holiday tradition

The corrosive, also used as a drain unblocker, is applied to stockfish, in this case dried cod, and rinsed away before serving. It’s a perfectly safe culinary technique, if a little alarming.

Besides you can’t argue with tradition. I grew up in Trøndelag, a region where many Norwegians still choose lutefisk as their main Christmas meal.

“Why do we have to eat this?” the younger me would whine, turning my nose up at the fish, and filling my lefse — Norwegian potato flatbread — with potato, butter and the bacon bits that my dad, who’s from Norway’s Westland, had negotiated into the meal as a compromise.

But now, after all these years, I was excited about a return to lutefisk. Tastes change, right?

Reassurance came from my mother, Magni Ree, for whom lutefisk is as crucial a part of festive nostalgia as tomtebrygg, a homemade fermented malt drink.

“When I was a child I didn’t like lutefisk either, but now I love it,” she said. “It’s about the mood, the tomtebrygg and the tradition. Lutefisk belongs to Christmas.”

It is true that Lutefisk once dominated Christmas tables in Norway. Swedes, Norwegians and residents of some parts of Finland have also traditionally invited rehydrated fish into their homes during the holidays, as have many descendants of Scandinavians in America.

But times are changing. Nowadays, Norwegians are less inclined to add such old fashioned foods to their plates for their main Christmas meal — and the delicate fish dish has been steadily vanishing.

Today, the national festive dish of choice on Christmas Eve, the day Norwegians typically celebrate Christmas, is usually pinnekjøtt — boiled ribs of lamb — or pork belly, with only 1% still choosing lutefisk.

But as Norwegians grow more interested in their food traditions, lutefisk has been experiencing something of a revival.

Visitors to Norway in the months before Christmas should not be surprised to find lutefisk on the menu in many traditional restaurants.

“It’s becoming trendy among young people to arrange lutefisk evenings,” says Annechen Bahr Bugge, a researcher at Consumption Research Norway (SIFO), who has observed a lutefisk comeback in the past decade. “Norwegians have become a lot more proud and curious about our own food history.”

And it seems that lutefisk’s challenging consistency, flavor and smell could become its saving grace.

“Food trends are about pushing the boundaries of the edible,” adds Bahr Bugge. “You have to shock your palate a little by eating unusual things.”

Undetermined origins

So how did this “peculiar” dish come to be? No-one knows for sure how lutefisk was invented. The story is that a rack of stockfish caught fire somewhere in the north of Norway some 500 years ago, leaving the fish covered in ashes.

Then the rain came — essentially replicating the lye bath process that would later be adopted — and to avoid wasting precious food, someone decided to find out if it could still be eaten.

Radiology has become a recent talking point in the AI race. It was mentioned multiple times last month by tech executives at the World Economic Forum in Davos as well as in a White House whitepaper about AI and the economy.

Radiology is far from being the only occupation impacted by AI, which is gradually integrating into the work of software engineers, teachers and even plumbers, among many others. If widely adopted, Goldman Sachs estimates that advancements related to AI could displace 6 to 7% of the US workforce, although the technology is expected to create new jobs too.

But the radiology field has become a case study for how AI could enhance, and not replace, jobs. The type of work in radiology is also ideal for AI assistance, said Dr. Po-Hao Chen, a doctor specializing in diagnostic radiology at the Cleveland Clinic.

Radiology has plenty of available data for AI research and applications, which need copious amounts of data for training. AI can parse through troves of data much more quickly than human workers can, and it is already helping to speed up certain processes in radiology — for example, figuring out which scans need immediate attention.

But human physicians are still required to do the bulk of the work – like making diagnoses, physically examining patients and writing reports. And radiology jobs are projected to grow faster than roles in other areas as the field continues to embrace the tech.

“(AI) is not only not replacing those workers, but it’s actually increasing the amount of work they can do and increasing demand for their services,” said Jack Karsten, a research fellow at Georgetown’s Center for Security and Emerging Technology. “That’s sort of a bright future that the tech industry can point to as far as this is AI doing good in the economy.”

How AI helps a job without replacing it

AI is very good at analyzing images and spotting patterns in data, both critical to radiology. And the field has been digitized for years, meaning there is an abundance of data, according to Chen.

“There are smaller use cases that are analogue still, but in the US for the most part, every X-ray, every CT (scan), every MRI, can be available as zeros and ones,” Chen said.

Today, radiologists are using AI to help figure out which scans to prioritize, enhance image quality and assist with summarizing reports, according to Dr. Chen and two other radiology experts who spoke with CNN.

“It’s something that doesn’t replace anyone, that just makes our job more efficient and more meaningful,” said Dr. Shadpour Demehri, who works in interventional radiology at Johns Hopkins Medicine.

René Vidal, a professor in engineering and radiology at the University of Pennsylvania’s Penn Engineering department, views AI as particularly useful for capturing high-quality MRI scans with fewer measurements. That speeds up the process and allows more patients to be seen in the same amount of time.

Other applications are being explored in research, such as using AI to measure the volume of a tumor or automatically populate reports, although they’re likely still far out, said Vidal.

Jobs that were predicted to vanish, but didn’t

AI tools must be approved by the US Food and Drug Administration for medical use, which could take around eight years considering the development process and clinical testing, Vidal said. But those approvals are certainly happening: Of the 1,357 AI-enabled medical devices currently with FDA approval, 1,041 are for radiology.

At the same time, radiology jobs seem to be growing. The Bureau of Labor Statistics projects employment in radiology will grow 5 percent from 2024 to 2034, which is higher than the average of 3% across all occupations. Data from Indeed provided to CNN also indicates there were more radiology jobs in 2025 compared to five years ago.

Demand for imaging during the medical diagnosis process, along with an increased aging population, is likely driving the need for more radiology services, say the radiology experts who spoke with CNN.

But that wasn’t always the thinking. Nobel Prize-winning computer scientist Geoffrey Hinton, also referred to as the godfather of AI, said in 2016 that “people should stop training radiologists now” because deep learning – a subset of AI that models how the human brain learns – would handle the job better in five to 10 years.

Hinton said in an email to the New York Times last year that he spoke too broadly in those 2016 comments.

Demehri recalls there being a sense of anxiety in the radiology field about AI replacing human roles around the 2015 and 2016 timeframe. Now, the technology is seen as a “second set of eyes,” he said.

Pitfalls of overreliance

Still, there are risks around bias and potential overreliance on AI, according to Chen. Unlike human radiologists, for example, AI can accurately predict a person’s race based on an X-ray, according to a 2022 MIT study, raising concerns about bias in diagnoses.

Chen says he also worries about the temptation to make staffing decisions – such as replacing a doctor with a nurse or a subspecialist radiologist with a primary care doctor – if AI becomes advanced enough. That might work in some cases, but not for the majority of conditions that radiology is used for, like detecting cancer or deadly infections.

“We have to understand that a lot of the performance of (the) algorithm comes from the fact that the automation output is reviewed by an expert,” he said. “And together, this collaboration, if you will, between the machine and the expert is what makes the improvement real.”

Nearly 200 people have been killed by armed men in separate attacks in remote villages in central and northern Nigeria, a local lawmaker, residents and police said Wednesday, as security forces searched for survivors and chased the attackers.

In central Kwara state, gunmen attacked the community of Woro on Tuesday, leaving at least 170 people dead, the lawmaker for the area, Saidu Baba Ahmed, said by phone.

It was the deadliest assault recorded this year in the district bordering Niger state, an area increasingly targeted by gunmen who raid villages, kidnap residents and loot livestock.

Ahmed said the gunmen rounded up residents, bound their hands behind their backs and summarily executed them. The lawmaker shared photographs of dead bodies with Reuters, which the agency was not immediately able to verify.

Villagers fled into surrounding bushland during the attack, he said. The gunmen torched homes and shops.

Police said that “scores were killed,” without specifying the number.

“Sorting dead bodies”

“As I’m speaking to you now, I’m in the village along with military personnel, sorting dead bodies and combing the surrounding areas for more,” Ahmed said.

Several people were still missing on Wednesday morning, he said.

Kwara state

Residents told Reuters that the gunmen, thought to be jihadists who often preached in the village, demanded that locals ditch their allegiance to the Nigerian state and switch to sharia, or Islamic law. When the villagers pushed back, the militants opened fire during Tuesday’s sermon.

Kwara police spokesperson Adetoun Ejire-Adeyemi said the police and military have been mobilized to the area for a search-and-rescue operation, but declined to provide casualty details.

In a separate attack in northern Katsina state, gunmen killed at least 21 people, moving from house to house to shoot their victims, residents and local police said.

The attack broke a six-month peace pact between the community and the armed gang.

It also highlighted the dilemma faced by residents in Nigeria’s remote north, where some have sought peace with armed gangs that terrorize them. Residents typically pool money and food, which they give to bandits so they are not attacked.

Nigeria is under pressure to restore security since US President Donald Trump accused it last year of failing to protect Christians after numerous Islamist attacks and mass kidnappings. US forces struck what they described as terrorist targets on December 25.

The Nigerian authorities say they are cooperating with Washington to improve security and have denied there is systematic persecution of Christians.